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The Changing World of the Basque Pastorale Candi de Alaiza The photographs for this article were taken by the author, Candi de Alaiza, in August of 1976. The pastorale is popular, traditional outdoor theatre performed by the Souletin Basques and believed to be the descendant of the medieval mystery and morality plays once popular throughout much of Europe. Related forms can still be observed in Portugal, Spain and various parts of the Americas. After spending several years studying Basque dance in the Spanish provinces, in 1974 I chanced to view a Guipuzcoan adaptation of the pastorale entitled Orria 778. When I heard several weeks later that a “real” pastorale, Etxahun Koblakari, was to be presented in Barcus, I went to see it. So began my interest in this art form. Friends responded by providing some texts, mostly of recent works, photographs, super-8 film footage, and much diverse information. I spoke at some length with Pierre Bordaçarre, author of Etxahun, as well as with others who had worked on productions. Nearly all mentioned the work of Georges Hérelle, whose Representation Pastorales à sujets tragiques (1923), and many journal articles on the subject, are considered definitive. However, it was apparent that since the time of Hérelle’s studies, the pastorale had undergone many changes. Most are in harmony with the art form's tradition while bringing it more into line with the concerns and the lifestyle of the people of Soule today. In 1976 I returned to Soule to study the production of Santa Grazi Pastorala, written by Junes Casenave, directed by Marcel Heguiaphal, and with some music by Roger Idiart. My work was the basis for a Ph.D. dissertation completed for UCLA in 1978. The texts of the old pastorales, that is, those popular before World War II, usually take their themes from the Bible, from the Chansons de Geste, or from history. The stories are told in verse, in theatrical form, but lack unities of time, space, and action. These productions are presented by the people of a village or town to enhance their prestige and for the enjoyment of their neighbors. Some works have been said to last ten or twelve hours! A town did not usually produce a pastorale more than once every thirty or forty years, and so the population regarded it as an event of great importance. When a group of men decided to present a work, they sought out one of the known pastoraliers, or makers of pastorales, to direct it. He taught them to move in the proper manner and to sing and chant their lines.The pastoralier also copied out the parts; conducted the practices; assigned each role to the most appropriate actor; and gave advice on the details of costume and music. On the day of the performance he appeared on stage to lead the actors, cue the musicians, and serve as general supervisor. None of the villagers had any previous training in acting, so the pastoralier had to teach the participants all that they would need to know for the performance. The theatre was usually erected in the public square. It was hastily constructed, taking advantage of the residences flanking the plaza. The actors often used rooms in such houses for their backstage, entering the stage through the windows. The houses may have represented the mansions where the characters were believed to live. To this day in pastorale terminology the actors “exit” from their homes onto the stage and depart the limelight by “entering” the dwellings. A musician or musicians accompanied the performance, playing in the upstairs window of one of the houses. In more recent times, however, the stage is placed in an open field and the musicians play from a special loft suspended above. Although the story line may vary, the pastorale represents the basic conflict between good and evil. The characters fall into two main groups: the good, also called “Christian” or “blue” characters; and their evil adversaries, the “Turks” or “red” characters. In most instances the designation of “Christian” or “Turk” has nothing to do with race or religion. In Abraham, for example, the Jews are referred to as the Christians and the Egyptians are called the Turks. In the various pastorales employing the theme of Charlemagne, the French may be presented as Turks while the Basques appear as Christians. Basically, the good characters are the ones with whom the audience is expected to identify, and they customarily wear the color blue (said to represent the sky, the Virgin Mary, French nobility, etc.). The Turks wear red, symbolic of their hot tempers and representative of the fires of hell which are destined to consume them in the end. Each group is supported by supernatural forces. Although God does not appear directly in pastorales. He may send an angel (or today a group of angels) to praise noble deeds and usher dead Christians into heaven. The Turks, on the other hand, are supported by the satanak (devils), fine dancers who have a number of functions in the pastorale. As friends of the Turks the satanak aid the cause of evil whenever they can, and rejoice when it temporarily triumphs. At times they act as clowns, adding comic relief and enlivening otherwise dull sequences. Their dance also provides an interlude, and it may be performed a dozen times or more. The satanak carry off the bodies of dead Turks or lead them into hell by dropping them through a trapdoor in the stage. Often a large wooden puppet appears over the stage-left door. It is called the Idole, and represents Mohammed, the god of the Turks and the symbol of evil. The puppet is of the jumping jack variety and has movable limbs. The actors manipulate him from behind the stage, making him “dance” wildly whenever evil triumphs. The division of the pastorale into two worlds is reinforced at many levels. As could be expected, the actions of the characters correspond to the nature of the group to which they belong. The Christians are careful, honest, valiant, and honorable. The Turks are hot-tempered, vain, and selfish liars who show no concern for anyone, not even for each other.The lines spoken by each character reflect his purpose. This is evident not only in their content, but also in the manner in which they are delivered. The distinction between the good and the evil is carried still further. The musicians, on cue from the pastoralier, play rapid, lively tunes to signal the entrance of the Turks and more sedate airs to mark the arrival of the Christians. The angels sing to a specific melody, and the satanak dance to the music of the Satan-Dantza, which does not vary despite their numerous appearances. The movement of the participants further emphasizes the good/evil delineation. The angels enter slowly, almost gliding across the stage. They do not move as they sing their lines and do not walk as they give their blessings with wooden crosses that they carry. Church officials and royalty move in a slow, controlled manner, their paths well-defined by tradition. The Christian soldiers parade with dignity across the stage, moving their makillak (canes) in time to the music. The Turks, in contrast, stamp their feet, lift their knees high, and wave their swords as they move across the stage. Their sponsors, the satanak, are agile and talented dancers, and their dance consists of lively and intricate movements. They enter at a run and do not cease to move while on stage. When their duties are completed, they depart hastily. The exaggerated movement of the satanak, on one hand, represent the extremes of a social continuum, measuring the morality and social position of the characters. The characters are further separated by the structure of the stage itself. Generally the Turks and satanak enter and exit through a door (often red) at stage-left, while the Christians use a door (blue or decorated with blue) at stage-right. If there is a central door (white or perhaps green), it is used by the angels, the high officials of the church, and the neutral (minor or auxiliary) characters. At one time, the pastorale served a didactic purpose, but by Herelle’s day it was more a form of entertainment. The audience arrived on foot or horseback from surrounding villages and remained for the entire day, returning home only at dusk. Admission to the pastorale was free, although a hat was passed for contributions and spectators received a small drink of wine in return. Today spectators come from all over the Basque Country, from both sides of the border, arriving by automobile and staying the usual three hours or so of the performance. An admission charge is customary and contributions are also requested. With a little good fortune, the group sponsoring the pastorale can cover expenses, which are substantial, and still collect enough to finance a celebration dinner after the pastorale is completed. In view of the number of hours spent in preparation, however, the proceeds cannot really be regarded as lucrative. If a pastorale is performed two or three times, the chances of recovering outlay improve since additional performances involve little added cost. Pastorales have been known to “travel” to neighboring towns (Zantxo Axkarra to San Sebastián in 1973, Santa Grazi to Tardets in 1976, Ibañeta to Burguete in 1978), but this is not common. Most of the characteristics of the pastorale described thus far apply to present-day productions. Somewhat miraculously, the art form continues to survive, not as a relic sponsored by an ethnographic or tourist-oriented organization, but as a vital form of entertainment and of popular expression supported by the Souletins themselves. However, life in Soule has changed greatly since Hérelle’s time, and particularly since World War II. Consequently, both the actors and the spectators now respond somewhat differently to the pastorale than they might have in the past. Although the general trend does not seem to be toward a more “sophisticated” form of theatre, as Hérelle feared, there have been some adjustments. Nevertheless many unsophisticated staging elements have been retained precisely because they are, as Hérelle observed, those most characteristic of the pastorale. Today’s performances are much shorter, due to demands of the present lifestyle and the distances traveled by the spectators, many of whom are now drawn from outside Soule. Because most visitors do not understand the Souletin dialect, written texts (with translations into French, Spanish and/or another Basque dialect) are sold at the performances. The texts, however, except for the two works by Casenave, are not generally in the form of published books, rather they are pamphlets or mimeographed materials (Robert le Diable, 1976). Use of the texts, of course, indicates that now nearly all of the spectators are literate. Today much more care is given to the presentation and preservation of the texts than was once the case. Another major change, which is perhaps the basis for most of the modifications in the pastorale today is a strong attempt to incorporate Basque consciousness into the performance. This is in some ways related to Basque nationalism but is not a direct reflection of it. That is today, the message is more ethnic than political. Many of the pastorale texts written in the last thirty years are the work of one man, Pierre Bordaçarre’s works – Berteretch, Matalas, Zantxo Azkarra, Le Comte de Treville, Chiquito de Cambo, Pette Bereter and Etxahun Koblakari – deal mainly with themes of direct interest to the residents of Soule. That is, his subjects are not drawn from the Bible, classical antiquity or French history, but rather from local events and culture. Casenave has similar intent. He is trying to impart to the young people little known aspects of their Basque heritage. In Casenave’s work the text acquires a new function. It is written in exemplary Basque purged of the many galicisms that have kept the older texts from being acceptable to purist Basque scholars. Indeed, Casenave’s works are designed to be used as textbooks in Basque language classes. Many new elements derived from different aspects of Basque life today, or from the recent past, have been added to the pastorale. Although traditionally, local heroes were not generally the subject of the pastorale, in Bordaçarre’s texts they have become the central characters. The typical Basque “peasant” has been given a major role in the works, posing a staging problem. It has become necessary to find a costume for him which will express his dignity and worth without becoming the military or royal garb of the old heroes. In general, the solution has been to use the loose black jacket, black pants, and beret of turn-of-the century dress. A blue sash is worn by good characters, and a red one by the evildoers. Since the history of the Basque Country has often been regarded as a chronicle of resistance to invasions, the local people are often depicted as Basque peasants – that is, Christians, while the invading soldier is garbed in the traditional military costume of the old pastorale and portrayed as the enemy. Another addition to the stock characters is the Basque shepherd, who appears on stage with his flock of sheep and often his dog and donkey as well. He has a standardized costume which consists of a short blue jacket, black pants, and a red and yellow scarf. Other items may also be red, so his dress combines red and blue, unlike the costuming in the traditional pastorale. The shepherd tends to belong to the “good” characters, and today appears in most pastorales. In some instances the hero’s dress is characteristic of his profession. In Chiquito de Cambo, for example, it is the white of the jai-alai player. Along with the introduction of the shepherd and the “Basque,” there has been another more or less standard addition to the pastorale. Traditionally, the Idole appeared only in pastorales containing Moslem characters. He was depicted as their “god.” In recent years, however, the Idole has become a general symbol of evil. By popular demand, and often against the pastoralier’s better judgment, he appears in most works. In 1974 there was some debate as to whether to include an Idole in the Barcus production of Etxahun. He did not appear in the first performance, but was added for the second. In the 1976 production of Santa Grazi, the participants insisted on having an Idole, although the pastoralier did not feel it was appropriate. There have been other changes associated with a sense of Basque identity, some more permanent than others. In 1951, Violet Alford protested the use of the red-and-black “Basque” costume by the servitariak (serving girls) (“Une pastorale basque in 1951” in Eusko-Jakintza, vol. V, no. 3-6). The costume, which was used again in Chiquito de Cambo, is not commonly seen today. The use of the lauburu (the Basque cross) in the stage decoration has become a common practice, however, and the ikuriña (or Basque flag) is nearly always displayed. Most of the old music is still heard. The recitative patterns in which the greater part of the pastorale is sung have not varied greatly. The song of the angels and the melody used for the introduction and conclusion (Lehen and Azken Pheredidia) have not changed.The instrumental music has varied little. But today, especially in the works of Bordaçarre and Casenave, there is a great deal of interest in adding variety to the vocal selections. Some of the music is newly composed for the pastorale (by Bordaçarre, or more recently, Idiart). Other songs are drawn from popular folk music, or reconstructed from the memory of older people in Soule (by Casenave, for example). Additional selections are directly related to the characters in the pastorale, such as in Bordaçarre’s Etxahun and his projected work about Iparraguirre. The newer choral numbers, and some of the new duets and solos as well, are among the most enjoyable parts of the new pastorale – both for the audience and for the performers. The pastorale’s repertoire of structured movement has expanded as well. Traditionally, the only dance performed within a work was generally that of the satanak. Although a pastorale was (and still is) followed by an auction and performance of Basque sauts visiting villages bid for the privilege of doing the sauts on stage), such dances came only after the main production had ended. Some recent pastorales, however, include dance forms other than the Satan-Dantza. Both Etxahun and Santa Grazi contain sauts, and there are two quadrille figures in Santa Grazi. Casenave believes that dance should be emphasized in the pastorale because it is an important part of Soule’s cultural heritage. Most of the old structured sequences have been preserved, however, including the parades, special routes for conversations or challenges, and three-quarter turns at the corners of the stage. Prescribed movement is still used for the introduction and ending of the work, and for the blessings given by the angels. The beautiful Satan-Dantza still conforms to the descriptions of Hérelle and others. Another important question facing the pastorale today concerns the participation of women. Although traditionally female roles in the pastorale have been played by men, in recent years there has been a greater demand for women to perform as well (instead of producing separate all-female pastorales, as was once the practice). Santa Grazi represents a compromise in which the men take speaking parts for women, but young girls participate in a fête scene, including the quadrilles, and also appear on stage, completely covered by the long black kaputcha during the enactment of two funerals. The young ladies also participated in the pastorale as servitariak, ticket takers and vendors of refreshments. Casenave expresses a desire to incorporate women more extensively into future pastorales. On social occasions women now often join the men in the sauts, which was not common in earlier times. It is likely that in the future they will participate more fully in the pastorale as well. In general, then, the pastorale has preserved its basic structure; the division into scenes or tableaux; the duties of the pastoralier and the basic form of the stage, including separate doors for different groups of characters; and the musicians’ loft. The director still appears on stage, notebook in hand, and prompts or accompanies anyone who may need help. Traditional works are still performed (e.g. Robert le diable, Garendein, 1976) and new ones are being devised. However, the future of the pastorales remains somewhat in doubt, since the young people now focus their attention on other activities. M. Heguiaphal, a pastoralier from a family famous for many generations of involvement in pastorales, lamented in 1976 that the young men now spend much of their time at the movies or playing football. They no longer perfect their dancing or become proficient in the traditional style of singing. He also pointed out that, while the young men used to spend much time in the mountains with flocks of sheep, which was a time for singing, dancing, and tale telling, today the men no longer need to remain in the mountains for long periods of time. Trucks now provide easy and rapid transportation in most parts of Soule. In addition, today many young Basques leave the country to work in larger towns, often at jobs associated with the tourist trade on the coast, or resettle in industrial areas outside the Basque Country. In some ways these young people become isolated from their traditional culture, but they do provide an enthusiastic audience when they return home to visit. Although many Basques are making a valiant effort to preserve their language and culture, the young are exposed to more and more French: in schools, in the towns where many work, and now by television. Basque is spoken less as a “first” language. Most people in Soule (except for the very old and the very young in isolated areas) speak French, and many are not comfortable with Basque, especially in Mauleon and surrounding towns and villages. The Souletins state that they will never give the pastorale in French since “it would not be right.” Thus, the youth must learn Basque to perform or even to appreciate the pastorale, or the genre will not survive. On the other hand, there is a strong feeling of Basque consciousness and a determination that tradition must be continued. The pastorale has attracted the interest of Basques from all over the Basque Country, especially of the many urban dwellers associated with folklore groups and dedicated to learning all they can about the Basque heritage. There have been examples of adaptations of the pastorale in other areas, such as Orreaga in Labourd in 1964, Orria 778 in Guipuzcoa in 1974-75, and Zigor in Guipuzcoa in 1976. There is also a general enthusiasm and awareness of the form that did not exist before outside of Soule. Thousands attended the performance of Junes Casenave’s Ibañeta in Burguete, Navarre, 1978, and both Casenave and Bordaçarre are planning new works. If then the pastorale continues to evolve in such a manner that it still serves as a vehicle for ideas important to contemporary Souletins and if modifications are made carefully from within the culture and in harmony with tradition, we can expect that this beautiful and fascinating form of theatre will survive. |
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