|
|
||
|
|
Basque Response to the Spanish Elections by Glenn Heinmiller (Glenn Heinmiller is currently a senior at Wesleyan University. He attended our 1975 Basque Studies Summer Session Abroad and this past summer returned to the Basque country for fieldwork in social anthropology. Upon his return he prepared this analysis of political developments in the Basque country during the post-Franco era.) On June 15, 1977 the Basque people went to the polls in the nation-wide Spanish elections. Although the international press displayed headlines idealistically proclaiming a peaceful transition to democracy, most Basque realize that democracy is a long way off and that the “transition” has been something less than peaceful. During the period which began with Franco’s death in November 1975 and ended with the June 1977 elections, 74 people were killed by police and extremist groups of the far left and right. Forty-nine of the fatalities occurred in the Basque country. This figure can be compared with the only twenty deaths in the recent Portuguese revolution. Basques, then, are still struggling for self-determination, and the end of this struggle seems a long way off. The political situation in the Basque country is extremely complex. Historically, the Basques enjoyed broad self-government, while officially pledging allegiance to the Spanish Crown. This relationship between equals was terminated by the nineteenth century Carlist Wars. In the aftermath of defeat the Basque provinces were subjugated strictly to the Spanish state. A modern Basque nationalist movement was formed in 1895, which eventually led to the establishment of a short-lived Basque Republic during the Spanish Civil War. Under the Franco regime the Basques experienced severe political, cultural and linguistic repression. Far from destroying Basque nationalist sentiment, however, these measures actually seemed to increase Basque resolve. There are other factors as well which complicate the current political scene. The industrial centers of the Basque country have attracted a huge immigrant worker population. Consequently, today one out of three persons residing in the Basque provinces was born elsewhere in Iberia and a significant percentage of locally born individuals are descended from non-Basque ancestors. Linguistically, Basque speakers are a minority in their own homeland, comprising only 23% of the inhabitants. It is against this background that we may analyze the recent elections. The numerous political parties active in the Basque country can be divided into two large categories: “abertzale” (patriotic) parties which are Basque nationalist, and the parties which are of Spanish origin. The Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) has the most popular support of any of the abertzale parties. It is the oldest, founded in 1895, and was the major Basque party during the Civil War. It is generally considered to be Christian Democratic and is the most conservative of the abertzale parties. The collection of parties loosely known as the “patriotic left” is made up of several revolutionary socialist parties which grew out of ETA and the leftist underground. The abertzale left lacks unity and organization due to fragmentation among three or four small parties, each with their own brand of revolutionary nationalist ideology. The goal of these parties is an independent Basque socialist state. ETA itself still exists; however, division in its ranks gives it an unclear future. The formation of a small underground revolutionary army out of the most radical ETA elements is expected by some observers. Since politics are now almost completely above ground, this new group would be solely dedicated to a systematic continuation of the violent struggle. This hypothesis is supported by a recent communique from the military wing of ETA which vowed the continuation of the “armed struggle” and stated, “our claims will not change since we started the struggle because Euskadi was oppressed, and this continues, so nothing has changed.” Between the PNV and the patriotic left falls the Basque Socialist Party (ESP), which takes a moderate socialist line, and has probably the toughest and most developed pro-Basque language policy. The abertzale parties have all tried to avoid alienating the Spanish immigrant population. All abertzale party platforms reflect the saying “It is not important where you were born, but where you fight.” Among the Spanish parties the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE) and the Spanish Communist Party (PCE actively support autonomy for the Basque country at this time, but their ultimate dedication to the Basque cause is often doubted, since they are by nature Spanish parties. The rightist Alianza Popular (AP) and the Democratic Center Union (UCD) (the present ruling party in Spain), along with the whole gamut of Spanish leftist parties, are also active in the Basque country. The results of the recent elections, and the referendum held six months earlier to approve the government’s electoral plan, provide some idea of the strength of Basque nationalism. During the referendum of December 1976, there were in actuality three choices: “Yes,” “No,” and “Abstain.” Abstention became the alternative for Basque nationalists. In the Basque country as a whole abstention averaged 45%, within Basque-speaking areas 55%, and soared to over 90% in some towns. It is felt by many that the totals would have been even greater had the issue of amnesty for Basque political prisoners been clarified sooner. It seemed likely that the government would grant an amnesty in time for the referendum. It was only after it became clear that this would not happen that the abertzale parties initiated a last minute campaign urging voter abstention. In the elections of June 1977, the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV), the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE), and the conservative Democratic Center Union (UCD), each took large shares of the vote in the Basque country. The UCD gained strong support in Alava and Navarra, reflecting the weaker nationalist sentiment in these provinces. The PNV was widely supported in Vizcaya and Guipúzcoa, dominating the small towns and rural areas of these two provinces. The PSOE derived the core of its support from the Spanish immigrant workers in the industrial centers. The strength of the patriotic left is hard to measure since several of the parties favored abstention. Two electoral coalitions of the patriotic left did go to the elections and took 7% of the vote, but the percentage of abstaining Basque leftists is impossible to determine. The Basque Socialist Party (ESB), formed to fill the Basque moderate socialist slot, did poorly, possibly because its potential support was split between the nationalist appeal of the PNV and the socialist appeal of the PSOE. The extreme Spanish left and right both fared badly. The communists failed to elect a single representative and received only a tiny proportion of the popular vote. For its part, the Alianza Popular failed to elect a single representative in Guipúzcoa and elected only one in Vizcaya. All in all, abertzale parties took 35% of the vote in the Basque country. Parties which had some sort of autonomy policy, including the abertzale parties, took 76% of the vote. Unfortunately the route to autonomy is not as clearly defined in the Basque country as it is in Catalunya. Unlike the Generalitat, the Basque government in exile has very little power. Furthermore, it is not clear whether Alava and Navarra will become part of the future Basque autonomous unit, or how this is fact will be decided. The Basque parliamentarians are working in Madrid for an autonomy statute, but what form it might take has yet to be resolved. Municipal elections are expected early in 1978. A significant increase in the nationalist vote may be anticipated due to the expected full participation of the Basque left, lowering the voting age to 18, and the legalization of all parties. On the cultural front there have been many developments. The ikastolas, schools who instruction is given in Basque, which began in 1960, now number 200 and provide instruction for about 40,000 pupils, or about 10% of the students in the Basque country. These same schools also provide Basque language instruction for adults. In the 1976-77 school year an estimated 35,000 adults were enrolled in all levels of Basque language instruction. The ikastolas receive very little aid from the government and at times have been opposed by the authorities. They are constructed and maintained by tuition fees and contributions of time, energy, and money from the people of each community. The ikastola buildings and taverns (set up during the summer months to raise money for the schools) are the center of cultural life and nationalistic expression in many Basque towns. Recently the struggle to create a Basque university has gained momentum. At present the Basque country is divided among several Spanish university districts and there is no university level instruction in the Basque language except for the two week “Basque Summer University,” which this year for the first time was allowed to hold its session inside Spain. The demands call for a single university district for the Basque country and university level instruction in Basque. Since Franco’s death, the Basque publishing industry has blossomed. With most censorship lifted there has been a torrent of new books, most on topics such as Basque politics and history. Some are written in Basque. Two bilingual daily newspapers and a weekly news magazine now circulate, providing an alternative to the Spanish press. The need for radio and television programming in Basque is recognized, and several radio stations already provide full bilingual service, but the state-controlled television, a strong tool of the Spanish government, will probably remain out of Basque hands for a long time to come. A number of popular folksinger-songwriters have quickly moved above ground and now record albums and hold concerts as a growing part of the language movement. In conclusion, nationalistic Basques have been struggling since the end of the last century to gain control of their political and cultural institutions. Despite some reversals they have come a long way. At the juncture they are not disposed to back down on any front. The political struggle seems certain to continue. |
|
|
|
|
